Territorial varieties of English pronunciation Essay

Ministry OF HIGHER AND SECONDARY SPECIAL EDUCATION

OF THE REPUBLIC OF UZBEKISTAN

GULISTAN STATE UNIVERSITY

& # 171 ; Territorial Varieties of English Pronunciation & # 187 ; «Territorial Assortments of English Pronunciation»

Gulistan 2008

1. Functional stylistics and dialectology

The job of the work is concerned with assortments of English in different parts of Britain and assorted states of the universe. It is rather clear of class that dialectology is inseparably connected with sociolinguistics, the latter trades with linguistic communication fluctuation caused by societal difference and differing societal demands ; it surveies the ways linguistic communication interacts with societal world.

We propose now a definition of this field of scientific discipline: Sociolinguisticss is the subdivision of linguistics which surveies different facets of linguistic communication & # 8211 ; phonetics, lexic and grammar with mention to their societal maps in the society. The purpose is to explicate linguistic communication phenomena in connexion with factors outside the linguistic communication module itself in footings of large-scale societal construction and in footings of how people use linguistic communication to pass on with one another.

Though in the past 15 old ages Sociolinguistics has come of age and is a fast expanding and progressively popular topic it should be just to advert here that linguistic communication has ever been viewed as a societal phenomenon, the most of import agencies of human intercourse. So it is apparent that linguistic communication is indissolubly linked with the society ; in it we can see a faithful contemplation of the society in which people live.

It is rather clear, of class, that such Fieldss of scientific discipline as linguistics, sociolinguistics, psycholinguistics are inseparably linked in the intervention of assorted linguistic communication constructions. For illustration, the capable affair of ethnolinguistics bit by bit merges into that of anthropological linguistics and that into sociological linguistics and that into stylistics, and the capable affair of societal psychological science.

Some bookmans consider functional stylistics to be a subdivision of Sociolinguisticss since it surveies the typical lingual features of smaller societal groupings ( such as those due to occupational category, age and sex differences ) ( 38, 68 ) .

In the instance of English there exists a great diverseness in the spoken realisation of the linguistic communication and peculiarly in footings of pronunciation. The assortments of the linguistic communication are conditioned by linguistic communication communities runing from little groups to states. Now talking about the states we refer to the national discrepancies of the linguistic communication. In so & # 8211 ; intervention we follow the construct of A.D. Shweitzer. Harmonizing to him national linguistic communication is a historical class germinating from conditions of economic and political concentration which characterizes the formation of a state. In other words national linguistic communication is the linguistic communication of a state, the criterion of its signifier, the linguistic communication of a state ‘s literature.

It is common cognition that linguistic communication exists in two signifiers: written and spoken. Any manifestation of linguistic communication by agencies of address is the consequence of a extremely complicated series of events. The literary spoken signifier has its national pronunciation criterion. A & # 171 ; criterion & # 187 ; may be defined as & # 171 ; a socially recognized assortment of a linguistic communication established by a statute norm of rightness & # 187 ; .

Today all the English-speaking states have their ain national discrepancies of pronunciation and each of them has peculiar characteristics that distinguish it from other assortments of English.

It is by and large accepted that for the & # 171 ; English English & # 187 ; it is & # 171 ; Received Pronunciation & # 187 ; or RP ; for & # 171 ; The American English & # 187 ; & # 8211 ; & # 171 ; General American pronunciation & # 187 ; ; for the Australian English & # 8211 ; & # 171 ; Educated Australian & # 187 ; ( we shall talk about it in item subsequently in the book ) .

Standard national pronunciation is sometimes called an & # 171 ; orthoepic norm & # 187 ; . Some phoneticians, nevertheless, prefer the term & # 171 ; literary pronunciation & # 187 ; .

Though every national discrepancy of English has considerable differences in pronunciation, lexic and grammar, they all have much in common which gives us land to talk of one and the same linguistic communication & # 8211 ; the English linguistic communication.

It would non be true to state that national criterions are fixed and changeless. They undergo changeless alterations due to assorted internal and external factors. Pronunciation, above all, is capable to all sorts of inventions. Therefore the national discrepancies of English differ chiefly in sound, emphasis and modulation. It is well-known that there are states with more than one national linguistic communication, the most common instance being the being of two national linguistic communications on the same district. For this Canada will be an illustration, where two different linguistic communications & # 8211 ; English and French & # 8211 ; organize the repertory of the community. In this instance scholars speak about bilingualism in contrast to monolingualism typical of a state with one national linguistic communication. Here arises the job of intervention, that is & # 171 ; lingual perturbation which consequences from two linguistic communications ( or idioms ) , coming into contact in a specific state of affairs & # 187 ; [ 1 ]
.

It may be good to province that every national assortment of the linguistic communication falls into territorial or regional idioms. Dialects are distinguished from each other by differences in pronunciation, grammar and vocabulary. We must do clear that, when we refer to assortments in pronunciation merely, we use the word & # 171 ; speech pattern & # 187 ; .1 So local speech patterns may hold many characteristics of pronunciation in common and accordingly are grouped into territorial or country speech patterns. In Britain, for illustration, Yorkshire, Lancashire and Cheshire speech patterns form the group of & # 171 ; Northern speech pattern & # 187 ; . We must acknowledge, nevertheless, that in most text editions on phonetics the word & # 171 ; idiom & # 187 ; is still used in mention to the regional pronunciation distinctive features, though in the latest editions both in this state and abroad the difference in footings & # 171 ; idioms and speech patterns & # 187 ; is by and large accepted. As we see, those footings should be treated otherwise when related to different facets of the linguistic communication. It is, nevertheless, true that there is a great trade of convergence between these footings. For certain geographical, economic, political and cultural grounds one of the idioms becomes the standard linguistic communication of the state and its pronunciation or its speech pattern & # 8211 ; the standard standard pronunciation. This was the instance of London idiom, whose speech pattern became the & # 171 ; RP & # 187 ; ( & # 171 ; Received Pronunciation & # 187 ; ) of Britain.

It has been estimated that the standard pronunciation of a state is non homogenous. It changes in relation to other linguistic communications, and besides to geographical, psychological, societal and political influences. In England, for illustration, we distinguish & # 171 ; conservative, general and advanced RP & # 187 ; .

As a consequence of certain societal factors in the post-war period & # 8211 ; the turning urbanisation, spread of instruction and the impact of mass media, Standard English is exercising an increasing powerful influence on the regional idioms of Great Britain. Recent studies of British English idioms have revealed that the force per unit area of Standard English is so strong that many people are bilingual in a sense that they use an imitation of RP with their instructors and oversight into their native local speech pattern when speech production among themselves. In this juncture the term diglossia should be introduced to denote a province of lingual dichotomy in which the criterion literary signifier of a linguistic communication and one of its regional idioms are used by the same single in different societal state of affairss. This phenomenon should non be mixed up with bilingualism that is the bid of two different linguistic communications. In the instance of both diglossia and bilingualism the alleged code-switching takes topographic point. In recent old ages the consequence of these signifiers of lingual behaviour is studied by sociolinguists and psychologists.

As was stated above, linguistic communication, and particularly its unwritten facet varies with regard to the societal context in which it is used. The societal distinction of linguistic communication is closely connected with the societal distinction of society. Nevertheless, lingual facts can non be attributed straight to category construction. Harmonizing to A.D. Shweitzer & # 171 ; the impact of societal factors on linguistic communication is non confined to lingual physiological reactions of category construction and should be examined with due respect for the meditating function of all class-derived elements & # 8211 ; societal groups, strata, occupational, cultural and other groups including primary units ( little groups ) . & # 187 ; ( 38 )

Western sociolinguists such as A.D. Grimshaw, JF.Z. Fisher, B. Bernstein, M. Gregory, S. Carroll, A. Hughes, P. Trud [ 2 ]
gill and others, are oriented towards little groups, sing them as & # 171 ; microcosms & # 187 ; of the full society. Soviet sociolinguists recognize the influence of society upon linguistic communication by agencies of both micro & # 8211 ; and macro-sociological factors.

Every linguistic communication community, runing from a little group to a state has its ain societal idiom, and accordingly, its ain societal speech pattern.

British sociolinguists divide the society into the undermentioned categories: upper category, upper in-between category, in-between category, lower in-between category, upper working category, in-between working category, lower working category.

The cogency of this categorization is being debated in sociolinguistics. The job of societal stratification and of group theory has merely late been tackled by the scientific discipline of sociology. The serious survey of societal idioms must be proceeded* , or at least accompanied by important progresss in sociology and particularly in the more precise definition of the impressions, such as category, state, nationality, society, linguistic communication community, business, societal group, societal scene, occupational group, and so on.

It is good deserving to understand that categories are split into different major and minor societal groups ( professional, educational, cultural, age, sex and so on ) . Correspondingly every societal community has its ain societal idiom and societal speech pattern. DA. Shakhbagova defines societal idioms as ‘Varieties spoken by a socially limited figure of people. & # 187 ;

So in the visible radiation of societal standards linguistic communications are & # 171 ; characterized by two programs of socially conditioned variableness & # 8211 ; stratification, linked with social construction, and situational, linked with the societal context of linguistic communication use. & # 187 ; ( 38, p. 6 ) [ 3 ]

Having had our chief footings straightened we may talk now of the & # 171 ; linguistic communication state of affairs & # 187 ; in footings of the horizontal and perpendicular distinctions of the linguistic communication, the first in conformity with the domains of societal activity, the second-with its situational variableness.

It is apparent that the linguistic communication agencies are chosen consciously or subconsciously by a talker harmonizing to his perceptual experience of the state of affairs, in which he finds himself. Hence situational assortments of the linguistic communication are called functional idioms or functional manners and situational pronunciation assortments & # 8211 ; situational speech patterns or phonostyles.

It has besides to be remembered that the linguistic communication of its users varies harmonizing to their individualisms, scope of intelligibility, cultural wonts, sex and age differences. Individual address of members of the same linguistic communication community is known as idiolect.

Now in decision it would be a absolutely natural thing to state that linguistic communication in functioning personal and societal demands becomes portion of the ceaseless flux of human life and activity. Human communicating can non be comprehended without acknowledging common dependance of linguistic communication and context. The enigma of linguistic communication prevarications, if nowhere, in its eternal ability to accommodate both to the schemes of the person and to the demands of the community, functioning each without incarcerating either. This is what makes sociolinguistics as a scientific discipline so of import. In this book, though, we shall concentrate our attending on territorial alterations of English pronunciation sing them as an object of sociolinguistic survey.

2. The chief portion

2.1 Spread of English

It is common cognition that over 300 million people now speak English as first linguistic communication. It is the national linguistic communication of Great Britain, the USA, Australia, New Zealand and Canada ( portion of it ) .

English was originally spoken in England and south-eastern Scotland. Then it was introduced into the greater portion of Scotland and southern Ireland. In the 17th and 18th centuries it was brought to North America ( chiefly from the West of England ) . Later in the 18th and 19th centuries English was exported to Australia, New Zealand and South Africa owing to the colonial enlargement. A flow of emigres who went to occupy, explore and inhabit those lands came largely from the south-eastern parts of England.

English became wide-spread in Wales at about the same clip. Welsh English is really similar to southern English, although the influence of Welsh has played a function in its formation. Then in the twentieth century American English began to distribute in Canada, Latin America, on the Bermudas, and in other parts of the universe. Thus today two chief types of English are spoken in the English-speaking universe: English and American English.

Harmonizing to British dialectologists ( P. Trudgill, J. Hannah, A. Hughes and others ( 61, 78 ) the undermentioned discrepancies of English are referred to the English-based group: English, Welsh English, Australian English, New Zealand English ; to the American-based group: United States English, Canadian English.

Scots English and Irish English autumn someplace between the two being somewhat by themselves.

On the whole this division seems instead sensible and the & # 171 ; English & # 187 ; types of English will be treated foremost in this book, though it is safe to state that English, Welsh English, Scottish English and Northern Ireland English should be better combined into the British English subgroup, on the land of political, geographical, cultural, psychological integrity which brought more similarities than differences for those discrepancies of pronunciation.

To our declinations, the deficiency of infinite gives us no opportunity to depict all the territorial and national discrepancies of English pronunciation.

2.2 English-based pronunciation criterions of English

2.2.1 British English

As was mentioned before, BEPS ( British English Pronunciation Standards and Accents ) comprise English English, Welsh English, Scottish English and Northern Ireland English ( the corresponding abbreviations are EE, WE, ScE. , NIE ) .

Table 1 British English Accents

English English Welsh English

Scots English

Northern Ireland English
Southern Northern

Educated

Sc. Eng.

Regional Assortments

1. Southern

1. Northern

2. East Anglia 3. South-West

2. Yorkshire 3. North-

West

4. West

Midland

2.2
.2
English, English

In this chapter we are traveling to look in greater item at the Received Pronunciation ( RP ) and at the regional non-RP speech patterns of England.

Approximately talking the non-RP speech patterns of England may be grouped like this: 1. Southern speech patterns.

1 ) Southern speech patterns ( Greater London, Cockney, Surray, Kent, Essex, Hertfordshire, Buckinghamshire ) ;

2 ) East Anglia speech patterns ( Lincolnshire, Norfolk, Suffolk, Cambridgeshire, Bedfordshire, Northamptonshire, Leicestershire ;

3 ) South-West speech patterns ( Gloucestershire, Avon, Somerset, Wiltshire ) .

2. Northern and Midland speech patterns.

1 ) Northern speech patterns ( Northumberland, Durham, Cleveland ) ;

2 ) Yorkshire speech patterns ;

3 ) North-West speech patterns ( Lancashire, Cheshire ) ;

4 ) West Midland ( Birmingham, Wolverhampton ) .

It has long been believed that RP is a societal marker, a prestige ac-cent of an Englishman. In the 19th century & # 171 ; received & # 187 ; was understood in the sense of & # 171 ; accepted in the best society & # 187 ; . The address of nobility and the tribunal phonetically was that of the London country. Then it lost its local features and was eventually fixed as a ruling-class speech pattern, frequently referred to as & # 171 ; King ‘s English & # 187 ; . It was besides the ac-cent taught at public schools. With the spread of instruction cultured people non belonging to the upper categories were eager to modify their speech pattern in the way of societal criterions.

We may decidedly province now that RP is a truly regionless speech pattern within Britain ; i.e. if talkers have it you can non state which country of Britain they come from ; which is non the instance for any other type of British speech patterns.

It is just to reference, nevertheless, that merely 3 & # 8211 ; 5 per cent of the population of England speak RP. British phoneticians ( Ch. Barber ( 44 ) , [ 4 ]
A.C. Gimson ( 57 ) , A. Hughes and P. Trudgill ( 61 ) estimation that nowadays RP is non homogenous. A.C. Gimson suggests that it is convenient to separate three chief types within it: & # 171 ; the conservative RP signifiers, used by the older coevals, and, traditionally, by certain profession or societal groups ; the general RP signifiers, most normally in usage and typified by the pronunciation adopted by the BBC, and the advanced RP signifiers, chiefly used by immature people of sole societal groups & # 8211 ; largely of the upper categories, but besides for prestigiousness value, in certain professional circles.

& # 171 ; This last type of RP reflects the inclinations typical of alterations in pronunciation. It is the most & # 171 ; effected and exaggerated assortment & # 187 ; of the speech pattern. Some of its characteristics may be consequences of impermanent manner ; some are adopted as a norm and described in the latest text edition. Therefore, it is really of import for a instructor and scholar of English to separate between the two. RP talkers make up a really little per centum of the English population. Many native talkers, particularly instructors of English and professors of colleges and universities ( peculiarly from the South and South-East of England ) have speech patterns closely resembling RP but non indistinguishable to it. P. Trudgill and J. Hannah name it Near-RP southern. So assorted types of standard English pronunciation may be summarized as follows: Conservative RP ; General RP ; Advanced RP ; Near-RP southern.

Changes in the Standard

As was stated above, alterations in the criterion may be traced in the address of the younger coevals of native RP talkers. These alterations may impact all the characteristics of articulation of vowel and harmonic phonemes and besides the prosodic system of the linguistic communication.

Considerable alterations are observed in the sound system of the pre-sent-day English, which are most singular since the well-known Great Vowel Shift in the Middle English period of the linguistic communication development. It is a well-established fact that no lingual alteration can happen all of a sudden. The visual aspect of a new shadiness in the pronunciation of a sound consequences in the coexistence of free discrepancies in the realisation of a phoneme. The pick between allowable discrepancies of [ w ] or [ & # 1052 ; ] in words is an illustration of what is meant by the procedure of variableness and free discrepancies. In Russian we observe free discrepancies of the pronunciation of the words of & # 1101 ; & # 1085 ; & # 1077 ; & # 1088 ; & # 1075 ; & # 1080 ; & # 1103 ; , & # 1090 ; & # 1077 ; & # 1084 ; & # 1087 ; type: non-palatalized and palatalised vertions of [ H ] & # 8211 ; [ H ‘ ] and [ T ] & # 8211 ; [ T ‘ ] . The grades of variableness are different. The most perceptible and stable alterations are described in the plants of British linguists and have been investigated by Soviet phoneticians. The RP of recent old ages is characterized by a greater sum of allowable discrepancies compared to the & # 171 ; classical & # 187 ; type of RP described by D. Jones, L. Armstrong, I. Word.

The phenomenon is important both from the theoretical and practical point of view. The variableness concerns chiefly vowels. Most of English vowels have undergone definite qualitative alterations. The freshly appeared discrepancies exhibit different stableness and scope.

The qualitative differentiations manifest new allophonic realisations of the vowel phonemes. Ch. Barber comes to the decision that a definite tendency towards centralisation is observed in the quality of English vowels at present. ( 44 )

Changes of Vowel Quality

1. Harmonizing to the stableness of articulation. 1 ) It is by and large acknowledged that two historically long vowels [ one ] , [ U: ] have become diphthongized and are frequently called diphthongoids ; the variety meats of address somewhat change their articulation by the very terminal of pronunciation, going more fronted. Ch. Barber tries to pull a parallel with the Great Vowel Shift which took topographic point in Middle English, where diphthongization was merely one portion of a complete alteration of form in the long vowels. He claims that there is some resemblance to this procedure today and other phonemes may travel up to make full the topographic points left vacant.

2 ) There is a inclination for some of the bing diphthongs to be smoothed out, to go shorter, so that they are more like pure vowels.

a ) This is really frequently the instance with [ ei ] , peculiarly in the word concluding place, where the semivowel is really little: [ ta’dei ] , [ sei ] , [ Japanese apricot ] .

B ) Diphthongs [ Army Intelligence ] , [ gold ] are capable to a smoothing procedure where they are followed by the impersonal sound [ & # 601 ; ] :

Conservative RP: [ tau & # 601 ; ] , [ fai & # 601 ; ]

General RP: [ Ta & # 601 ; ] , [ fa & # 601 ; ]

Advanced RP: [ T & # 945 ; : ] , [ f & # 945 ; : ]

degree Celsius ) Besides diphthongs [ o & # 601 ; ] , [ u & # 601 ; ] tend to be leveled to [ O: ] . Thus the pronunciation of the words pore, hapless is varied like this:

older talkers: [ po & # 601 ; ] , [ pu & # 601 ; ]

middle-aged talkers: [ Po: ] , [ pu & # 601 ; ]

younger talkers: [ Po: ] , [ Po: ]

It should be mentioned, nevertheless, that this inclination does non concern the diphthong [ I & # 601 ; ] when it is concluding. The prominence and length displacement to the semivowel, this concluding quality frequently being near to [ & # 172 ; ] ; beloved [ di & # 601 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ di & # 172 ; ] .

2. Harmonizing to the horizontal and perpendicular motions of the lingua. Very dramatic alterations occur in the vowel quality affected by the horizontal motions of the lingua. In fact the general inclination is marked by the focus of both forepart and back vowels:

a ) the karyon of [ ai ] , [ au ] tend to be more back, particularly in the male discrepancy of the pronunciation ;

B ) the vowel phoneme is frequently replaced by [ a ] by younger talkers: [ hv ] & # 8211 ; [ hav ] , [ nd ] & # 8211 ; [ and ] ;

degree Celsius ) the karyon of the diphthong [ & # 170 ; ] varies well, runing from [ o & # 170 ; ] among conservative talkers to [ & # 170 ; ] among advanced 1s:

Conservative RP: [ so & # 170 ; ] , [ fo & # 170 ; n ] , [ no & # 170 ; t ] ;

Advanced RP: [ s & # 170 ; ] , [ f & # 170 ; n ] , [ n & # 170 ; t ] .

This inclination is so stronp that the written text symbol has been late changed in many British books: [ O & # 170 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ & # 170 ; ] .

vitamin D ) Back-advanced vowels [ & # 172 ; ] , [ & # 170 ; ] are well fronted in the advanced RP: but [ b & # 172 ; T ] & # 8211 ; [ B & # 601 ; T ] , good [ g & # 170 ; vitamin D ] & # 8211 ; [ g & # 601 ; vitamin D ] .

It should be mentioned here that there is a inclination for all short vowels to be made nearer the Centre of the oral cavity, that is to travel towards [ & # 601 ; ] , particularly in unstressed place: honest [ & # 945 ; nist ] & # 8211 ; [ & # 945 ; n & # 601 ; st ] .

Therefore the horizontal alterations in vowel quality may be listed like this:

Focus of short vowels:

More back pronunciation of the karyon of diphthongs: [ ai ] & # 8211 ; & # 187 ; [ ai ] , & # 8211 ; [ a & # 170 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ a & # 170 ; ]

More advanced pronunciation of the diphthong: [ O & # 170 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ & # 170 ; ] .

More fronted pronunciation of the diphthongoids: [ I ] & # 8211 ; [ I ( J ) ] , [ u ] & # 8211 ; [ u ( tungsten ) ] .

Vertical alterations in vowels may be traced in [ vitamin E ] and [ O: ] which tend to be closer in advanced RP. It has besides been stated above that the karyon of diphthongs [ ei ] , [ ea ] , [ oa ] , [ ua ] go more unfastened when these phonemes are being leveled, peculiarly the diphthong [ Ea ] which is characterized by a great gap of the first component: careful [ k & # 601 ; degree Fahrenheit & # 170 ; cubic decimeter ] & # 8211 ; [ ‘k: f & # 170 ; cubic decimeter ] . The first component of the diphthong [ & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] can be lowered well. Therefore several words with [ & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] are given a shade pronunciation by some advanced RP talkers: hapless, certain [ P & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] [ & # 169 ; & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ p & # 601 ; , & # 169 ; & # 601 ; ] .

3. Combinative alterations. It is general cognition that when sounds are in company they influence each other. These alterations are called combinatory. They take topographic point merely in certain phonic contexts. In a diacritic survey, nevertheless, there is no crisp boundary between isolative and combinatory alterations.

1 ) Changes in [ J + U: ] , [ 1 + U: ] . Wordss like suit, pupil, super, bulletin may be pronounced either [ sju: T ] or [ sat ] , [ stju: dant ] or [ stu: dnt ] , [ sjuipa ] or [ su: dad ] . The inclination is for middle-aged and younger talkers to exclude the [ J ] after [ s ] before [ U: ] . Word-internally [ J ] tends to be retained as in assume [ asju ; m ] . There is besides fluctuation after [ 1 ] : word-initially luting [ Lu: T ] is normal, but it is possible to articulate [ ilju: & # 175 ; n ] in semblance, for illustration. These recent developments in combinatory RP alterations bear singular resemblance to American Standard pronunciation.

2 ) Change of [ : ] to [ & # 945 ; ] before [ degree Fahrenheit, s ] . Where orthographic & # 171 ; o & # 187 ; occurs before the voiceless fricatives [ degree Fahrenheit, s, & # 189 ; ] older talkers pronounce the vowel [ O: ] : loss [ lots ] . This pronunciation is presently deceasing out in RP and being replaced by [ & # 945 ; ] : [ cubic decimeter & # 945 ; s ] .

Wordss like salt and ault still may be pronounced with [ & # 139 ; : ] .

4. Changes in length.

It is an recognized fact that English vowels vary in length harmonizing to the phonic context & # 8211 ; the consonant they are followed by ( voiceless, voiced ) , syllabic boundary line, the grade of emphasis, the types of atomic tone and so on.

Actually presents there are alterations in vowel length that are influenced by other factors. There is, for illustration, a strong inclination for the alleged short vowels to be lengthened, and it is interesting to observe that this prolongation can be heard periodically in many words in any place.

The prolongation of [ I ] is frequently heard in large, his, is ; of [ u ] in good ; [ & # 172 ; ] in semen. It should besides be mentioned that [ I ] is frequently lengthened in the concluding syllable, i.e. really, many: [ veri ] , [ meni ; ] .

Short vowels [ vitamin E, ae ] are besides really often lengthened in yes, bed, work forces, said, sad, bad, bag and so on. This inclination has well increased in the past few old ages.

Changes in Consonant Quality

1. Voicing and Devoicing. As is good known, there is no resistance of concluding RP consonants harmonizing to the work of the vocal cords. They are all partly devoiced, peculiarly stops. Such devoiced sounds are clearly heard after long vowels and diphthongs as in title: [ did ] . How-ever, these partially devoiced consonants are ne’er indistinguishable with their voiceless opposite numbers, because the latter are pronounced with strong breath-force.

This inclination for devoicing now seems to be on the addition. Equally shortly as the resistance of voiced & # 8211 ; voiceless is neutralized in the concluding place, the fortis/lenis character of pronunciation has become the relevant characteristic of consonants.

The voiced/voiceless differentiation of the minimum braces [ sed ] & # 8211 ; [ put ] , [ d & # 945 ; g ] & # 8211 ; [ d & # 945 ; Ks ] may look to be lost. Actually it does non take topographic point. The weak consonants are ne’er replaced by their voiceless opposite numbers, they ne’er become strong, the Michigans [ B, vitamin D, g ] , though devoiced, ne’er get aspiration. More than that. The interrelatedness of concluding consonants and the preceding stressed vowels is really near. The instrumental probe of E. Kurjatnikova, showed that the continuance of the vowel before the traditionally called voiced consonant is 1.5 times larger than that before the voiceless consonant. Cf. : He saw his cap. & # 8211 ; He saw his cab.

Describing the positional allophones of the English stops A. Gimson characterizes the initial lenis [ B, vitamin D, g ] as partly devoiced, concluding lenis [ B, vitamin D, g ] as voiceless.

The sound [ T ] in the intervocalic place is made sonant, e.g. better [ bet & # 601 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ bed & # 601 ; ] , missive [ Lashkar-e-Taiba & # 601 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ led & # 601 ; ] .

2. Loss of [ H ] . In rapid speech initial [ H ] is lost in signifier words and tends to decease out from the linguistic communication. Even most extremely educated people subconsciously drop it wholly. So alternatively of: He wants her to come [ hi & # 8211 ; w & # 945 ; National Trusts h t & # 601 ; , k & # 172 ; m ] one hears:

[ I wants 3 T & # 601 ; k & # 172 ; m ] . It is apparent, of class, that the loss of [ H ] in stressed syllables sounds incorrect.

3. Initial & # 171 ; hw & # 187 ; . Some conservative RP talkers pronounce words like why, when, which with an initial weak breath-like sound [ H ] & # 8211 ; [ M ] . The general inclination is, nevertheless, to articulate [ tungsten ] .

4. Loss of concluding. The pronunciation of [ in ] for the expiration [ I ] has been retained as an antediluvian signifier of the RP: sittin ‘ , lookin ‘ . These occasional uses are non likely to go general.

5. Spread of & # 171 ; dark & # 187 ; [ cubic decimeter ] . This inclination is obviously influenced by the American pronunciation and some advanced RP talkers are frequently heard stating [ cubic decimeter ] alternatively of [ 1 ] as in believe, for illustration. There is no menace in distributing it widely yet but it is rather common for dad vocalists now. It should besides be mentioned that sometimes concluding [ I ] tends to be vocalized as in people, for case, but is non likely to go a norm.

6. Glottal halt. In RP the glottal halt [ ? ] can look merely in the undermentioned two environments: a ) as a realisation of syllable-final [ T ] before a undermentioned consonant as in batman [ btman & # 8211 ; [ b? mn ] or non rather [ N & # 945 ; t ‘kwait ] & # 8211 ; [ n & # 945 ; ? ‘kwait ] ; B ) in certain harmonic bunchs as in box, merely [ B & # 945 ; ? ks ] , [ Si? mpli ] , where it is known as & # 171 ; glottal supports & # 187 ; . The usage of glottal halt by advanced RP talkers produces a & # 171 ; clipped & # 187 ; consequence on a alien.

7. Palatalized concluding [ k & # 8217 ; ] is frequently heard in words hebdomad, promptly, etc. : [ wik & # 8217 ; ] , [ kwik ‘ ] .

8. Associating and intrusive [ R ] . It has been estimated that all English speech patterns are divided into & # 171 ; rhotic & # 187 ; or & # 171 ; r-full & # 187 ; and & # 171 ; non-rhotic & # 187 ; or & # 171 ; r-less & # 187 ; . Rhotic speech patterns are those which really pronounce [ R ] matching to orthographic & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; . RP is a non-rhotic speech pattern but most talkers of it do articulate orthographic & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; word-finally before a vowel: It is a far off state. It is known as associating & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; . Failure by pupils to articulate it does non normally affect comprehension but may ensue in their looking foreign.

As a farther development and by analogy with associating & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; , & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; is inserted before a undermentioned vowel even though there is no & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; in spelling. This & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; is known as intrusive & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; . The existent state of affairs is that younger RP talkers do hold it after [ a ] as in thought of, China and,

It is said that presents in conversational fluent address there is a strong inclination towards elision, decrease and assimilation. This inclination is reflected in the pronunciation of the immature coevals: coach [ t & # 169 ; U: T & # 601 ; ] , 2nd twelvemonth [ sek & # 601 ; nd & # 175 ; Iowa ] , possibly you [ p & # 601 ; ‘hp & # 169 ; U: ] , gives you [ giv & # 175 ; U: ] , as you know [ & # 601 ; & # 175 ; ju: ‘n & # 170 ; ] ; in the canned texts of British text editions: him [ im ] , he [ I: ] , her [ 3 ] , his [ iz ] , can [ kn ] , from [ house ] , than [ n ] , them [ thousand ] , some [ sm ] , suppose [ sp & # 148 ; & # 170 ; omega ] , have to [ hafta ] , normally [ ju: & # 175 ; tungsten & # 601 ; fifty-one ] , last clip [ La: staim ] , and there was no 1 [ & # 601 ; n & # 601 ; R wz’n & # 148 ; & # 170 ; tungsten & # 172 ; n ] ; even in the traditional spelling: C ‘m on, babe, Sorry ’bout that Oh, le’mme see. Oh, I dunno. Must & # 8217 ; ve set & # 8217 ; em all together. Why d’you ask? What vitamin D & # 8217 ; ja believe? Alright!

9. Combinative alterations. Sound combinations [ tj, disk jockey, sj ] are pronounced as [ t & # 169 ; , d & # 175 ; , & # 169 ; ] severally, e.g. existent [ ktjual ] & # 8211 ; [ ktjual ] , alumnus [ ‘grdj & # 170 ; eit ] & # 8211 ; [ grd & # 175 ; & # 170 ; eit ] , issue [ ‘isju: ] & # 8211 ; [ i & # 169 ; U: ] .

In the bunchs of two Michigans, where the loss of plosion is normally observed, each sound is pronounced with hearable release, e.g. active [ ktiv ] & # 8211 ; [ ktiv ] , sit down [ sitda & # 170 ; n ] & # 8211 ; [ sit ‘da & # 170 ; n ] .

Non-systematic Variations in RP Phonemes

Some free phonemes have appeared under the influence of the written image of words, their spelling.

Unstressed prefixes ex & # 8211 ; and victimize & # 8211 ; have gained orthographical pro-nunciation: alibi [ iks’kju: omega ] & # 8211 ; [ eks’kju: omega ] , exam [ ig’zm ] & # 8211 ; [ eg’zm ] , continue [ k & # 601 ; ntinju: ] & # 8211 ; [ kan tinju ; ] , consent [ k & # 601 ; n sent ] & # 8211 ; [ kan’sent ] .

The yearss of the hebdomad: Sunday [ s & # 172 ; ndi ] & # 8211 ; [ s & # 172 ; ndei ] , Monday & # 8211 ; [ m & # 172 ; ndei ] .

Note besides free discrepancies in frequently: [ af & # 601 ; n ] & # 8211 ; [ aft ( & # 601 ; ) n ] .

Other instances: economic sciences [ ika’namiks ] & # 8211 ; [ eka’namiks ] .

Now by manner of decision we would wish to province that non all the alterations are recognized as a norm by most affected advanced RP talkers. Some of these alterations are rather stable, some tend to vanish. The linguistic communication is a life organic structure and its unwritten facet is most vitally mutable. But one should recognize the importance of most recent developments, which, in sentiment of many outstanding phoneticians, may take to extremist alterations in the whole stock list of vowel and harmonic phonemes.

Regional Non-RP Accents of England

As was stated supra, we grouped regional speech patterns of England into southern and northern 1s. This division is really approximative of class, because there are western and eastern speech patterns but their chief speech pattern fluctuations correspond either with southern or northern accentual features. Thus we would wish to indicate out here the chief differences between southern and northern speech patterns.

In vowels

One of the chief differences between these groups of speech patterns is in the

phoneme stock list – the presence or absence of peculiar phonemes. Typically, the vowel [ A ] does non happen in the speech patterns of the North ; e.g.

South North
blood [ bl & # 172 ; vitamin D ] [ bl & # 170 ; vitamin D ]
one [ w & # 172 ; Ns ] [ w & # 945 ; Ns ]
but [ B & # 172 ; T ] [ B & # 601 ; T ]

We can besides observe that many northern talkers while they do non hold [ A ] have [ u ; ] instead than [ u ] in words such as hook, book, expression. They therefore distinguish braces like book and vaulting horse, which in the south sound [ buk ] and [ DAK ] , in the North as

South North
Book [ bu: K ] [ buk ]
Vaulting horse [ B & # 172 ; K ] [ buk ]

Another well-known characteristic which distinguishes northern and southern speech patterns concerns the vowels and [ a ] .

Before the voiceless fricatives [ degree Fahrenheit, & # 189 ; , s ] and certain harmonic bunchs incorporating initial [ N ] or [ thousand ] , is pronounced in the north alternatively of [ a ] .

South North
way [ dad: & # 189 ; ] [ P & # 189 ; ]
dance [ district attorney: N ] [ dns ]

Note: Speakers with more strongly regional southern substandard speech patterns may non hold the contrast or, at most, have a contrast that is variable.

In the South, nevertheless, [ K ] is frequently pronounced as [ a ] :

A = in way

B & # 8211 ; [ a ] in way

C = [ a ] contrast absent or in uncertainty

One more major north-south differentiating characteristic involves the concluding [ I: ] like in words metropolis, money, etc. In the North of England they have [ one ] . In the South of England these words are pronounced with [ I ] e.g.

South North

metropolis [ siti: ] [ ‘siti ]

money [ m & # 172 ; Nis: ] [ mani ]

In consonants

It has been mentioned above that some English speech patterns are & # 171 ; rhotic & # 187 ; or & # 171 ; r-ful & # 187 ; and other are non-rhotic or & # 171 ; r-less & # 187 ; . Rhotic speech patterns are those which really pronounce [ R ] , matching to orthographic & # 171 ; R & # 187 ; in words like saloon and farm. This [ R ] sound is post-vocalic and is most frequently heard in Scotland, Ireland and in the sou’-west of England. The map on p. 222 shows the spread of post-vocalic [ R ] ( A = post-vocalic [ R ] nowadays, B = post-vocalic [ R ] absent ) .

In most regional speech patterns the glottal halt is more widely used than in RP. In some countries, particularly the north-east of England, East Anglia and Northern Ireland, the glottal halt may besides be pronounced at the same time with the voiceless [ P, T, K ] , most strikingly between vowels: commiseration [ cavity? I: ]

Many non-RP talkers use [ n ] in the postfix & # 171 ; & # 8211 ; ing & # 187 ; alternatively of ; sitting [ sitin ] . In an country of western cardinal England which includes Birmingham, Manchester and Liverpool they pronounce [ g ] : vocalist [ sige ] , flying [ wig ] .

Now about [ J ] & # 8211 ; dropping. In most speech patterns [ J ] is dropped after [ T, s ] : pupil [ stjud & # 601 ; nt ] , suit [ sat ] . In parts of the north the alteration has progressed a good trade farther, it has been lost after [ & # 189 ; ] : enthusiasm [ an ‘ & # 189 ; U: zi & # 601 ; zm ] .

In big countries of eastern England [ J ] is lost after every consonant. In London [ J ] is lost after [ n, T, 500 ] : intelligence [ nu: omega ] , melody [ tu: n ] .

Southern English Accents

We now turn to an scrutiny of regional non-RP speech patterns of England and we shall foremost give a brief lineation of the group of Southern speech patterns.

As was stated above, educated Southern address is really much near-RP accent whereas non-standard speech patterns are really much near Cockney. Therefore we shall concentrate our attending on the instead elaborate description of uneducated London speech pattern & # 8211 ; Cockney.

Cockney speech pattern. It has been long established that Cockney is a societal speech pattern & # 8211 ; the address of propertyless countries of the Greater London. Here are some pronunciation distinctive features of it.

In vowels

1. [ & # 172 ; ] is realized as [ I ] : blood [ B & # 172 ; vitamin D ] & # 8211 ; [ blid ] ;

2. is realized as or [ one ] : bag [ bg ] & # 8211 ; [ bg ] , [ large ] ;

3. [ I ] in word-final place sounds as [ ij: metropolis [ siti ] & # 8211 ; [ siti: ] ;

4. when [ O: ] is non-final, its realisation is much closer, it sounds like [ O: ] : intermission [ Po: omega ] & # 8211 ; [ Po: omega ] ; when it is concluding, it is pronounced as [ O: & # 601 ; ] : paw [ Po: ] & # 8211 ; [ Po: & # 601 ; ] ;

5. the diphthong [ ei ] is realized as [ I ] or [ ai ] : lady [ leidi ] & # 8211 ; [ lidi: ] , [ laidi: ] ;

6. RP [ 3 & # 170 ; ] sounds as [ & # 170 ; ] : soaked [ s & # 170 ; kt ] & # 8211 ; [ s & # 170 ; kt ] ;

7. RP [ a & # 170 ; ] may be [ & # 601 ; ] : now [ na & # 170 ; ] & # 8211 ; [ n & # 601 ; ] ,

In consonants

1. [ h ] in unstressed place is about constantly absent ;

2. [ ? ] is widely spread in Cockney address: paper [ pi? dad ] , butterfly [ B & # 172 ; ‘t & # 601 ; flai ] ;

3. The contrast between [ & # 189 ; ] and [ f ] is wholly lost: thin [ & # 189 ; in ] , booth [ bu: f ] ;

4. The contrast between [ ] and [ v ] is on occasion lost: conditions [ weva ] ;

5. when [ ] occurs ab initio it is either dropped or replaced by [ vitamin D ] : this [ dis ] , them [ ( vitamin D ) & # 601 ; thousand ] ;

6. [ 1 ] is realized as a vowel when it precedes a consonant and follows a vowel, or when it is syllabic: milk [ mivk ] , table [ teibv ] ; when the predating vowel is, [ 1 ] may vanish wholly ;

7. is replaced by [ n ] in word-final place: dance [ district attorney: nsin ] or it may be pronounced as [ ik ] in something, anything, nil: [ N & # 172 ; fik ] ;

8. [ P, T, K ] are to a great extent aspirated, more so than in RP ;

9. [ t ] is affricated, [ s ] is heard before the vowel: top [ trap ] .

Northern and Midland Accents

Midland speech patterns, Yorkshire, for illustration, West Midland and North-West speech patterns have really much in common with Northern 1s. Therefore they are combined in this book into one group ; peculiar realisation of vowels and consonants will be marked, of class, when each subgroup is described individually.

The counties of northern England are non far from the Scots boundary line, so the influence of Scotch speech pattern is noticeable, though there are of class many characteristics of pronunciation characteristic merely of northern English parts. The most typical representative of the address of this country is Newcastle speech pattern. It differs from RP in the followers:

In vowels

1. RP [ & # 172 ; ] is realized as [ u ] : love [ cubic decimeter & # 172 ; V ] & # 8211 ; [ cubic decimeter & # 170 ; 5 ] ;

2. RP concluding [ I ] sounds like [ I: ] : metropolis [ siti ] & # 8211 ; [ siti: ] ;

3. words like dance, opportunity which in RP have [ a ] are pronounced with: [ dns ] , [ t & # 169 ; ns ] ;

4. [ ei ] , [ & # 170 ; ] are either monophthongs, or much narrower diphthongs than the 1s in the South of England, or they may even sound as opening diphthongs [ le ] , [ & # 170 ; o ] : bay [ be: ] , [ bie ] , home base [ ple: T ] , [ phet ] , boat [ bo: T ] , [ B & # 170 ; o t ] ;

5. words that have & # 171 ; Al & # 187 ; in spelling & # 8211 ; talk, call, all, are pronounced with [ a ] : [ Ta: K ] , [ Ka: cubic decimeter ] , [ a: cubic decimeter ] ;

6. RP words with [ 3: ] are pronounced with in a wide Tyneside speech pattern: first [ fist ] , shirt [ degree Fahrenheit: T ] ; so first, forced ; shirt, short are homonyms ;

7. [ Army Intelligence ] is [ one ] : right [ rit ] ;

8. words which in RP have [ au ] may hold [ it ] , e.g. about [ abut ] .

In consonants

1. [ 1 ] is clear in all environments ;

2. [ h ] is normally present in all places ;

3. & # 8211 ; ing is [ in ] : shilling [ & # 169 ; ilin ] ;

4. [ P, T, k ] between vowels are accompanied by glottal halt [ ? ] : commiseration [ cavity? I: ] ;

5. in parts of Northumberland and Durham [ R ] may be uvular ( in its production the lingua and the uvular, non the lingua and the alveolar ridge take portion ) ,

Yorkshire speech patterns

Yorkshire and Bradford speech patterns are indistinguishable with northern vowel characteristics in points 1, 3, 4 ( merely many talkers pronounce words which have & # 171 ; ow & # 187 ; , & # 171 ; ou & # 187 ; in spelling with [ gold ] : cognize [ nau ] ; with northern con-sonant characteristics in point 3.

Now holding accomplished the description of regional non-RP ac-cents of England we would wish to state that we did n’t try to give a elaborate history of all the regional differences in speech patterns of distant ru-ral countries. Rather we concentrated on urban speech patterns which can be heard when one travels throughout the state and which are most likely to be encountered by foreign tourers. International characteristics were non dealt with.

Welsh English

As everyone likely knows Wales is a bilingual country. This address state of affairs in linguistics is known as exoglossic. In Wales English dominates over Welsh in urban countries, in the West and north-west of the state the balance being in favour of Welsh, where English is learnt at schools as a 2nd linguistic communication. At the minute chauvinistic feelings are instead strong in Wales and we are witnessing a motion in favour of the resurgence of the Welsh linguistic communication and its spread in all countries of Wales.

However, Welsh English at the degree of educated address and authorship is non much different from that of English. Most differences are found at the degree of more localised idioms.

In this chapter we shall give a brief lineation of Welsh English pronunciation criterion.

The chief phonological differences between WE and RP are the undermentioned:

In vowels

1. The distribution of [ & # 130 ; ] and [ a ] is as in the North of England. Last, dance, opportunity, etc. tend to hold instead than [ a ] .

2. unstressed orthographic & # 171 ; a & # 187 ; tends to be [ se ] instead than [ a ] , e.g. : couch [ so: f ] ;

3. there is no contrast between [ & # 172 ; ] and [ a ] : gum elastic [ R & # 601 ; B & # 601 ; ] ;

4. [ one ] at the terminal is a long vowel: metropolis [ siti: ] ;

5. in words like melody, few, used we find [ iu ] instead than [ ju: ] : melody [ tiun ] ;

6. [ ei ] , [ & # 170 ; ] may go monophthongs: bake [ B: K ] , boat [ bo: T ] ;

7. the vowel as in miss is produced with rounded lips nearing [ O: ] ;

8. the vowels [ I & # 601 ; ] , [ & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] do non happen in many discrepancies of Welsh English: fright is [ fi: J & # 601 ; ] , hapless is [ pu-w & # 601 ; ] .

In consonants

1. W. Eng. is non-rhotic, [ R ] is a pat, or it is besides called a flapped [ R ] . Intrusive and associating [ R ] do occur.

2. Consonants in intervocalic place, peculiarly when the predating vowel is short are twofold: metropolis [ siti ] .

3. Voiceless plosives tend to be strongly aspirated: in word concluding place they are by and large released and without glottalization, e.g. cavity

4. [ 1 ] is clear in all places.

5. Intonation in Welsh English is really much influenced by the Welsh linguistic communication.

Scots English

We must foremost do clear that the position of Scots English is still debated. Some linguists say that it is a national discrepancy. Others say that it is a idiom.

English has been spoken in Scotland for every bit long as it has been spoken in England. In the Highlands and Islands of northern and western Scotland, nevertheless, Gaelic is still the native linguistic communication of thou-sands of talkers from these parts. A standardised signifier of this linguistic communication, known as Scots, was used at the tribunal and in literature until the Reformation. Then it was bit by bit replaced by English. By the way a figure of authors and poets of the likes of R. Burns retained their native linguistic communication.

Nowadays educated Scots people speak a signifier of Scots Standard English which grammatically and lexically is non different from English used elsewhere, although with an obvious Scots speech pattern. We must acknowledge, nevertheless, that non-standard idioms of Scotland still resemble Scots and in many respects are radically different from most other assortments of English. It is really hard to understand them for pupils who learn RP.

At the minute there is presently a strong motion in Scotland for the resurgence of Scots. Nevertheless Scottish Standard English is still more esteemed and in this book we concentrate on Scots English as used and spoken by educated urban Scots.

As for the position of Scots English, in this book it will be treated as a idiom though it is just to state that there is much in favour of naming it a national discrepancy of English.

Vowels

1. Since Sc. Eng. is rhotic, i.e. it preserves post-vocalic [ R ] , vowels such as RP [ i & # 601 ; ] , [ 3: ] , [ & # 147 ; & # 601 ; ] , [ u & # 601 ; ] do non happen:

RP Sc. Eng.
Beer [ bandeau ] [ bir ]
Bird [ b3: vitamin D ] [ bird ]
Hurt [ h3: T ] [ H & # 172 ; rt ]
Bard [ Ba: vitamin D ] [ Ba: rd ]
Moor [ m & # 170 ; & # 601 ; ] [ m & # 170 ; R ]

2. Length is non a typical characteristic of Scots vowels. So pairs like pool-pull, palm-pam, cot-caught are non distinguished. It should be noted, nevertheless, that vowels are longer in concluding stressed unfastened syllables than elsewhere.

3. Monophthongs are pure, there is no hint of diphthongization with the exclusions of [ ai & # 8211 ; ei ] , [ ao & # 8211 ; eu ] and [ 01 ] .

4. The RP [ a ( a ) ] differentiation does n’t be: hat [ hat ] , dance [ district attorney: ns ] .

5 & # 8211 ; [ i ] , [ u ] , [ & # 172 ; ] [ & # 601 ; ] may be cardinal.

6. In non-standard Sc. Eng. speech pattern [ U: ] frequently occurs when RP has [ au ] : house [ haus-hu: s ]

7. It is interesting to advert that [ TO ] and [ su ] may be non contrasted.

8. In really many regional speech patterns do, to
are pronounced as [ d & # 601 ; ] , [ t & # 601 ; ] .

9. In some speech patterns words such as arm, after, grass may hold [ e ] instead than [ a: ] after [ ft & # 601 ; ] .

Consonants

1. Sc. Eng. systematically preserves a differentiation between [ w ] : which [ vit & # 169 ; ] & # 8211 ; enchantress [ humor & # 169 ; ] .

2. Initial [ P, T, K ] are normally non-aspirated.

3. [ R ] is most normally a flap.

4. Non-initial [ T ] is frequently realized as glottal halt [ ? ] .

5. [ Florida is dark in all places.

6. The velar continuant [ x ] occurs in a figure of words: loch [ lx ] .

7. & # 8211 ; ing is [ in ] .

8. [ h ] is present.

9. A specific Scots characteristic is the pronunciation of [ & # 189 ; R ] as [ & # 169 ; R ] : through [ & # 169 ; Ru ; ] .

Northern Ireland English

It should be stated foremost of all that English pronunciation criterions in Northern Ireland and in the Republic of Eire are different. The account lies in history.

In the Middle Ages about the whole of Ireland was Irish speech production. Nowadays, nevertheless, native talkers of Irish are few in figure and are confined to rural countries even though Irish is the official linguistic communication of Ireland and is taught in schools. The English linguistic communication in Southern Ire-land was originally introduced from the West and West Midlands of England and still shows marks of this today. This sort of English has spread to cover most of the Irish Republic. Naturally the pronunciation of these countries retains characteristics of western parts of England.

The English of northern parts of the island with its Centre in Belfast has its roots in Scotland, as big Numberss of colonists came to this portion from the south-west of Scotland from the 17th century onwards. Now talking about Northern Ireland, it is true to state that English here is non homogenous. Areas of the far north are to a great extent Scots-influenced. Other parts are marked by less to a great extent Scots-influenced assortments of English. It is, of class, obvious that the linguistic communication differentiation is non coextensive with the political division of the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland, some countries of the Republic, Donegal, for case, speak N. Ir. Eng. ( Northern Ireland English ) , while some of the northern states speak S. Ir. Eng. ( Southern Ire-land English ) .

In this chapter we shall cover with Northern Ireland English pronunciation.

Vowels

The vowel system is similar to that of Scots speech patterns, post-vocalic retroflex frictionless sonorant [ R ] being used as in Scotland.

[ I ] : cavity [ cavity ] , fir [ fir ] , bird [ bird ] , metropolis [ siti ] , fern [ firn ] , fur [ fir ] ;

[ I: ] bee [ Bi: ] , beer [ Bi: R ] , seedy [ Si: di ] , run into [ myocardial infarctions: T ] , meat [ mil ] ;

[ vitamin E ] pet [ pet ] , bed [ bed ] ;

[ & # 172 ; ] but [ b & # 172 ; t ] ;

[ a ] rap [ rap ] , bard [ bard ] , hat [ hat ] , dance [ dans ] , half [ haf ] ;

[ & # 170 ; ] put [ P & # 170 ; T ] , boot [ B & # 170 ; T ] , pull [ P & # 170 ; cubic decimeter ] , pool [ P & # 170 ; cubic decimeter ] , hapless [ P & # 170 ; R ] ;

[ O ] boat [ bot ] , board [ bord ] , pole [ pol ] , knows [ noz ] , nose [ noz ] , pour [ por ] , pore [ por ] ;

[ & # 945 ; ] : fingerstall [ k & # 945 ; t ] ;

[ Army Intelligence ] : purchase [ bair ] , tide [ taid ] ;

[ gold ] : turn [ baut ] ;

[ oi ] : male child [ boi ] .

The undermentioned notes on vowels should be read in association with the list above.

The existent realisation of a vowel may change well harmonizing to the undermentioned phoneme:

1. in words like bay, say the vowel is a monophthongs [ vitamin E ] , preconsonantally it may be a diphthong of the type gate [ Gb & # 601 ; t ] ;

2. [ I ] , [ u ] are reasonably cardinal ;

3. [ O: ] and [ & # 187 ; ] contrast merely earlier [ P, T, k ] ;

4. [ Army Intelligence ] , [ gold ] are really variable ;

5. realisation of [ a ] may change well.

Decision

The American discrepancy of English has been really exhaustively described by many outstanding bookmans both in this state and in the USA. In this book, nevertheless, we shall seek to follow the construct introduced by A.D. Shweitzer in his sociolinguistic attack to the intervention of modern-day address state of affairs in America ( 38 ) .

The sociolinguistic state of affairs in the United States is really complicated. It is molded by certain lingual, cultural, historic, demographic, geographic, political and other factors.

By and large talking, the state of affairs in the USA may be characterized as exoglossic, i.e. holding several linguistic communications on the same district, the balance being in favour of American English.

It is true, of class, that the formation of the American Standard underwent the influence of minorities ‘ linguistic communications, but its starting point was the English linguistic communication of the early seventeenth century. However, clip has passed, American English has drifted well from English though every bit yet non plenty to give us land to talk of two different linguistic communications. Therefore we speak of the national discrepancy of English in America.

American English shows a lesser grade of idiom than British English due to some historical factors: the being of Standard English when first English colonists came to America, the high mobility of population, internal migrations of different communities and so on. As respects pronunciation, nevertheless, it is non at all homogenous. There are certain assortments of educated American address. In the USA three chief types of cultivated address are recognized: the Eastern type, the Southern type and Western or General American.

1. The Eastern type is spoken in New England, and in New York metropolis. It bears a singular resemblance to Southern English, though there are, of class, some little differences.

2. The Southern type is used in the South and South-East of the USA. It possesses a dramatic typical characteristic & # 8211 ; vowel drawl, which is a specific manner of articulating vowels, dwelling in the diphthongization and even diphthongization of some pure vowels and monophthongization of some diphthongs at the disbursal of protracting ( & # 171 ; drawling & # 187 ; ) their karyon and dropping the semivowels.

3. The 3rd type of educated American address is General American ( GA ) , besides known as Northern American or Western American spoken in the cardinal Atlantic States: New York, New Jersey, Wisconsin and others. GA pronunciation is known to be the pronunciation criterion of the USA. There are some grounds for it. GA is the signifier of address used by the wireless and telecasting. It is largely used in scientific, cultural and concern intercourse. Besides in two of import concern centres & # 8211 ; New York and St. Louis & # 8211 ; GA is the predominating signifiers of address and pronunciation, though New York is situated within the district where Eastern American is spoken, and St. Louis is within the part of Southern American. In this chapter we shall give an lineation of GA speech pattern. We will so indicate to differences between this speech pattern and RP.

1. There is no rigorous division of vowels into long and short in GA, though some American phoneticians suggest that certain GA vowels are tense and likely to be accompanied by comparative length: [ I: ] in place, [ U: ] in pool

They besides admit that a little rise in tongue place during the pronunciation of tense vowels leads to a diphthongal quality of tense vowels which contrasts to a monophthongal quality of slack vowels.

2. Categorization of vowels harmonizing to the stableness of articulation is the most controversial topic in GA. Some diphthongs are treated in GA as biphonemic combinations. The stock list of GA diphthongs varies from three to twelve phonemes. Following DA. Shakhbagova we distinguish here five diphthongs in GA: [ ei ] , [ ai ] , foi ] , [ auj, [ ou ] .

3. Another really of import characteristic that causes different readings of diphthongs and vowel length in GA is the pronunciation of [ R ] sound between a vowel and a consonant or between a vowel and. a silence: bend [ t3: radon ] , bird [ b3: rd ] , star [ star ] .

It has been estimated that 2/3 of American population pronounce [ R ] and 1/3 omit it. Thus GA is rhotic in words like far, nucleus, etc. ( when [ R ] follows the vowels and ends the word ) , this sound is consonantal and non-syllabic harmonizing to Ch. Thomas. It involves the characteristic hindering of the free flow of breath which we associate with consonants. The sound [ R ] in far closes the syllable more decidedly than in British Received Pronunciation of the word [ fa ] . On the other manus, there is a vocalic, or vowel-like and syllabic [ R ] , that occurs in words like bird, mutter ( after a vowel and before a consonant ) . Ch. Thomas writes that in such instances we should break transcribe the words bird and mutter like [ brd ] and [ mrmr ] . In such instances [ R ] is responsible for the characteristic vowel-like quality within the syllable ; it

is responsible for syllabic quality every bit good. That ‘s why Ch. Thomas says that [ R ] syllabic in bird and [ r ] non-syllabic in far should be transcribed otherwise. Harmonizing to V.A. Vassilyev it is still the vowel of the word that forms a syllable ( [ 3 ; ] in bird, [ O: ] in maize, etc. ) , non the syllabic [ R ] sound. He mentioned although that all the vowel sounds in pre & # 8211 ; [ r ] place sound more like [ a ] , [ R ] gives the predating vowel a retroflex colouring. It means that the tip of the lingua semivowels